Myth  Busting: the ‘Constitutional Expert’
by Geoff Broughton
23. Feb, 2010 
Today, public opinion is on our side.  According to a Rasmussen Reports 59% of voters believe the States should be  able to ‘opt out’ of Federal Programs it does not agree with.  Compared to 47% who agreed when asked about  National Health care in December.  The  number jumps to 63% when asked about opting out of Federally unfunded  mandates.
That is a trend in which I predict will give rise to  much more attention from the opposition.   In the few articles and blogs which have surfaced so far, those who are  opposed to a truly federal System as laid out by the founding fathers in our  constitution, have called upon ‘constitutional experts’ to put down such silly  talk of State Sovereignty, and the notion that the Tenth Amendment has any real  bearing on today’s political landscape. 
One op-ed that comes to mind was from the LA Times  titled Constitutional objections to Obamacare don’t hold up, back in  January.  Akhil Reed Amar begins his  editorial by listing his credentials.
I’m no healthcare expert,  but I have spent the last three decades studying the Constitution, and the  current plan easily passes constitutional muster. 
Now I am not here to argue with Mr Amar, in fact Rob  Natelson already took on each of his points here.  My goal is to  debunk the term, ‘Constitutional expert’ and have a little fun with Mr Amar’s  credentials.  Lets see, 3 decades is 30  years which breaks down to 10,957(365 days times 30 plus seven for leap  years).  A quick google search and I got  that the entire Constitution plus amendments including the signature page is  8,114, or 8060 with out the signatures.   Which means he could have spent one day on each word and still had 2,897  days to do other things, perhaps the Declaration of Independence which is 1,457  words long.  I can only imagine the  excitement in day one where they did an indepth study on the word:  “We”.
Of course, I am being silly, but so is the idea of a  ‘Constitutional Expert’.  Even with the  formal language and preamble’s, the document is not all that complicated.  What Mr Amar has no doubt studied for the  last 30 years is a ‘case law’ look at Supreme Court decisions, and how those  decisions have radically redefined what was originally written by our  founders.
We know that our founders studied the works of  Blackstone, John Locke, Montesquieu, and Cicero and very much believed in  Natural Law.  The Declaration and  Constitution are filled with Natural Law precepts like unalienable rights and  separation of powers.  Up until the early  1900’s the prevailing theory in jurisprudence was something known as Legal  Formalism
From Wikipedia Search of  Legal Formalism:
Legal formalists argue  that judges and other public officials should  be constrained in their interpretation of legal texts, suggesting  that investing the judiciary with the power to say what the law should be,  rather than confining them to expositing what the law does say, violates the separation of powers.  (emphasis added)
At this time, a theory called Legal Realism  began to become popular, most often connected with Oliver Wendell  Holmes.  But more important to our  history is a man named Roscoe Pound who believed in something called Social  Jurisprudence. 
From Wikipedia Search of  Legal Realism:
Legal realists advance  two general claims: 1) Law is indeterminate and judges, accordingly, must and do  often draw on extralegal considerations to resolve the disputes before them. 2)  The best answer to the question “What is  (the) law?” is “Whatever judges or  other relevant officials do“.(emphasis  added)
Why is knowing who Roscoe Pound is so  important?
From Wikipedia Search of  Roscoe Pound:
In 1910 Pound became  professor of law at Harvard. He was dean from 1916 to 1936 during what was  called Harvard Law School’s “golden age”. He helped shape a faculty and program  of legal education equipped to implement his concept of sociological  jurisprudence. A large number of the law school graduates were active in  formulating policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, and Pound supported  many of its early measures. 
This is an important point.  Either the law is what it says, or it is what  a judge or other official says it is.   These two ideas cannot be comingled can they?  Our method of selecting Supreme Court  Justices makes predicting the outcome of any particular case  difficult.
From a Wikipedia search  of the Supreme Court:
There are a number of  ways that commentators and Justices of the Supreme Court have defined the  Court’s role, and its jurisprudential method:
Current Associate  Justices Antonin  Scalia and Clarence  Thomas are originalists;  originalism is a family of similar theories that hold that the Constitution has  a fixed meaning from an authority contemporaneous with the ratification, and  that it should be construed in light of that authority. Unless there is a  historic and/or extremely pressing reason to interpret the Constitution  differently, originalists vote as they think the Constitution as it was written  in the late 18th Century would dictate.
Associate Justice Felix  Frankfurter was a leading proponent of so-called judicial  restraint, in that he believed that the Supreme Court should not make law  (which, by invalidating or significantly altering the meaning of Congressional  bills, Frankfurter felt they were), and so believers in this idea often vote not  to grant cases the writ of certiorari. Associate Justice Stephen  Breyergenerally advocates a quasi-purposivist approach, focusing on what the  law was supposed to achieve rather than what it actually says, and measuring the  possible outcomes of voting one way or another.
Other Justices have taken  a more instrumentalist approach (see judicial  activism), believing it is the role of the Supreme Court to reflect societal  changes. They often see the Constitution as a living, changing and adaptable  document; thus their ruling will be in stark contrast to originalists. Compare,  for example, the differing opinions of Justices Scalia and Ruth Bader  Ginsburg, who is a more instrumentalist  justice.
Finally, there are some  Justices who do not have a clear judicial philosophy, and so decide cases purely  on each one’s individual merits.
So this is why any so called expert on one side of an  argument can be countered with another and why I tend to reject it  altogether.  Since your study of this  system is bound to be prejudiced by your philosophy of law, since Constitutional  law is really Case Law.
From a Wikipedia Search  of Case Law:
Which is the reported  decisions of selected appellate and other courts (called courts of first  impression) which make new interpretations of the law and, therefore, can be  cited as precedents in a process known as stare decisis.  These interpretations are distinguished from statutory law  which are the statutes and codes enacted by legislative bodies; regulatory law  which are regulations established by governmental agencies based on statutes;  and in some states, common law which  are the generally accepted laws carried to the United States from  England.
Our opponents will often be from the judicial activism  approach.  But there is not a mythical  high priests understanding here, no matter what the experts say. You either  believe in the Constitution as written, or you believe in the Constitution as  what your masters think it means today.   For me it is like choosing between Orwell’s 1984 vs or Jefferson’s  writing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776.  
I want you to google 1942 Wickard v. Filburn. In a  Wikipedia search on that case you find,
The Supreme Court,  interpreting the United  States Constitution’s Commerce  Clause (which permits the United  States Congressto “regulate Commerce . . . among the several States”)  decided that, because Filburn’s wheat growing activities reduced the amount of  wheat he would buy for chicken feed on the open market, and because wheat was  traded nationally, Filburn’s production of more wheat than he was allotted was  affecting interstate commerce, and so could be regulated by the federal  government.
There is no way you can read the interstate commerce  clause found in Article One Section 8 which reads ‘To regulate Commerce with  foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes”, and  come to the conclusion reached by the Supreme Court in 1942.  For the Courts to decide the Federal  Government could control the output of a private citizen on his own property for  his own use is an abomination of the Constitution and the system of Liberty it  is supposed to protect.  Conservapedia goes into much more detail if you want to read  more.
If you agree with me that Natural Law should be what  governs a free society, then the question you have to ask yourself is: How long  will you be satisfied asking the Federal Government to limit its own powers,  before you accept that the answer that an inconsistent court or legislators like  Pelosi or  Conyers have made clear.
CNSNews.com: “Madam Speaker, where specifically does  the Constitution grant Congress the authority to enact an individual health  insurance mandate?”
Pelosi: “Are you serious? Are you  serious?”
John Conyers on Congress reading the  Bills?
John Conyers: “I love  these members, they get up and say, ‘Read the bill’.  What good is reading the bill if it’s a  thousand pages and you don’t have two days and two lawyers to find out what it  means after you read the bill?”
The answer is the Federal Government will never limit  itself. 
Quotes Supporting State  Sovereignty:
Alexander  Hamilton:
·         “It may  safely be received as an axiom in our political system, that the State  governments will, in all possible contingencies, afford complete security  against invasions of the public liberty by the national  authority.”
·         “We may  safely rely on the disposition of the state legislatures to erect barriers  against the encroachments of the national  authority.”
James  Madison:
·         “The  local or municipal authorities form distinct and independent portions of the  supremacy, no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general  authority than the general authority is subject to them, within its own  sphere.”
·         “The  powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government are few  and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and  indefinite.”
·         “Hence,  a double security arises to the rights of the people. The different governments  will control each other; at the same time that each will be controlled by  itself.”
Justice  Scalia:
·         “This  separation of the two spheres is one of the constitution’s structural  protections of liberty. Just as the separation and independence of the  coordinate branches of the federal government serve to prevent the accumulation  of excessive power in any one branch, a healthy balance of power between the  States and the Federal Government will reduce the risk of tyranny and abuse from  either front.”
·         “…the  Constitution’s conferral upon Congress of not all governmental powers, but only  discreet, enumerated ones.”   
·         “It is  incontestable that the Constitution established a system of dual sovereignty”  
The next question will be: Do you have the political  will to be called names, and be made fun of, and say no to federal monies, in  order to win back true liberty and freedom for the next generation?  If so the answer is State Sovereignty, and  that starts by making sure we elect people who will stand up for our rights  instead of promising to “do” things for us.
Geoff Broughton [send him email] is  the State Chapter Coordinator for the Colorado Tenth Amendment  Center
Copyright © 2010 by  TenthAmendmentCenter.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in part is gladly  granted, provided full credit is given
Gill  Rapoza
Veritas Vos Liberabit

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